From Small Beginnings – Rugby League Takes Off In Penrith

This article forms part of the serialised republication of Panthers, Passion & Politics – The Roger Cowan Years.

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Just over twenty years after the First Fleet arrived at Port Jackson, the first land grant in the Penrith district was awarded to Captain Daniel Woodriffe. As the colony grew, the town, with its strategic location on the Nepean River, became an important stop on the Western Road over the mountains, and later on the rail route to Katoomba and beyond.

Some readers may even remember taking the steam train to the Blue Mountains and having a cuppa or a snack while the train paused for ten minutes at Penrith, midway through the journey.

Rugby League came to Penrith around 1912, following the code’s breakaway from the traditional rugby union game. A regular competition was in operation by 1913 but there was reportedly friction in town between the two codes.

The first Penrith team was called the Waratahs, but for much of its history the Club simply played under the name of Penrith. The name ‘Panthers’ was adopted in 1964, after a public competition.

During the First World War times were sometimes tough for the club. One year, when the club was unable to buy shorts for the players, they ran onto the field in cut-down trousers.

Like many country clubs of the period, Penrith rugby league survived largely through the enthusiasm of local volunteers and the loyalty of its players and supporters.

The struggles continued through the 1920s, and in 1926 the club was reformed as the Penrith Rugby League Club. It was at this time that it applied for entry into the Western Division [Country] League, although there was some local opposition due to the travel demands involved.

Rugby League continued to grow in Penrith through the 1940s and 50s — and was, by all accounts, not a game for the faint-hearted. These were hard, tough men, and there was plenty of ‘biff’.  They were paid little, or nothing and played for the honour of their town — and also because they obviously enjoyed it.

Max Connors was first a committeeman, and later a director at the club, in the years between 1956 and 1981. He says football games used to be played on a paddock just out of town.

They moved to the showground around ’42-43. Cricket was played there in the summer, and the pitch had to be broken up each year so rugby league could be played. It eventually got to be a problem between the two groups.

Connors speaks of his boyhood in Penrith when the guesthouses at Wallacia were a popular holiday destination for city people. When the steam trains would pull in, he and his friends would descend on them and offer to carry the travelers’ bags to the bus to earn some money.

In the early 1950s, Penrith was still a small town on the outer fringes of suburbia. Its one department store was Western Stores — later to become Myer1. The largest other business in town was Max Young’s produce business, which supplied feed, saddlery and other farming essentials to the district’s many rural properties.

In 1955, the first electric train service came to Penrith2. and former player Merv Cartwright became secretary of the football club. Two other players came onto the scene around the same time — Leo “Trapper” Trevena and Reginald Ronald “Rocky” Davis. Both would have an impact on the growth of the club.

The mid-50s also saw the advent of the ‘district club’. Penrith was part of the Parramatta District and competed in the Parramatta A Grade Competition against clubs from Parramatta, Guildford, Merrylands, Liverpool, Richmond and other teams from a huge geographical area. This large area would later be broken up when Penrith became a District Club in its own right in 1967. Today Penrith and Parramatta have the largest rugby league districts of any Sydney team.

Even in 1956, the Penrith club was already showing its potential as an innovator. It was the first junior rugby league club to be granted a liquor license, and its first licensed club building was completed the same year. It was located in a back street of Penrith.3 It had two regular rooms, and a larger function room that was used for Saturday night dances and presentations, etc. 

For almost 20 years, the club also doubled as a boys’ club, and the club funded boxing and gymnastics activities for local youngsters. Its activities were transferred when the club agreed in the early seventies to jointly fund, with Penrith City Council, the Police Citizens Boys Club.

Connors remembers the first club as pretty much just a large garage in Station Street. He says they also bought the house next door, and that was where they held their meetings. The house had previously been a riding school — perhaps an indication of just how ‘country’ Penrith was in those days.

In an ironic twist, the first club building was financed by a gambling venture. Josie Haining — the wife of Bill Haining, a former player – won £100,00 in the Tasmanian Golden Casket, and the club was built using voluntary labour and a loan from Mrs Haining.

Don Feltis has a long history with the Club. He has been a player, football committeeman, football CEO, and is now junior league boss and a director on Panthers’ group board.

He remembers the day that a group of volunteers met to start digging the foundations for the new club:

We decided that the fairest way to work out who would have the honour of turning the first sod was to draw straws. So there we are, standing around organising the straws and sorting out lengths when we hear a ruckus behind us. We turn around and here’s one of the group — a fellow called Nobby Hunter — throwing a pick on the ground and very proudly showing us a hole the size of a bucket he’s just dug.

The building at first had six poker machines — three sixpenny and three one-shilling machines4.

Through the early sixties the club industry was just beginning to show its potential. St George Leagues Club was known as the Taj Mahal, and clubs like Easts Leagues and Souths Juniors were already an established part of the Sydney entertainment scene.

The Penrith Leagues Club, on the other hand, was a very small player. It had a couple of hundred members. It had never really been the mythical ‘tin shed’, but Max Connors, a director between 1956 and 1981, provided some insight into how the story came about.

The tin shed that people talk about was actually a kiosk on the showground where they used to play. It was run by the ladies, and the players used to get three free tickets each, and the supporters could buy three tickets for two shillings.

The kiosk doubled as a dressing-shed for players.

As the 1960s arrived, the club committee began pushing to join the league’s new inter-district competition — later to become Second Division. There was strong opposition from the club’s junior league. It was around this time, Trevena and Davis, along with Cartwright were joined on the football committee by a young high school teacher and player named Roger Cowan.

In 1962, the club joined the new competition, along with nine other Sydney clubs, including two much larger clubs, Ryde Eastwood and Wentworthville. Five years later, Penrith would leapfrog both these clubs to take a spot in the First Division competition.

The following year the licensed club underwent a major refurbishment, at a cost of £150,000. The new club had 26 poker machines. The 27 year old Cowan retired from playing football, but became football club treasurer. It was a move that would change his life.

It was the responsibility of the licensed club to fund rugby league, but at the end of the 1964 season Cowan was astounded to discover there were insufficient funds to pay the players. That year he stood for election for the licensed club committee, and became club treasurer, while still working as a teacher. He immediately began to implement controls and measures to improve the club’s finances. The club had embarked on an association with the man who would define its future.

What were the influences that made Panthers’ future CEO the person he turned out to be? What were the drivers behind the culture he encouraged at Panthers? And why much later did he allow conflict to escalate rather than backing away when the odds were stacking against him?


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  1. The store referred to was Fletcher’s, which opened in 1941 as a gentleman’s outfitter. By the late 1950s and early 1960s it had become the largest department store in Penrith, employing more than 100 people. Fletcher’s became part of the Myer group in 1962.
    (Source: John Carvan, Standing Under the Weir: Penrith Memories.)
    ↩︎
  2. The electrification of the railway line to Penrith in 1955 was a major local event. Prior to this, services had been operated by steam trains. The town formed an “Electrification Committee” to organise celebrations for the arrival of the first electric service. Dave Fitzgerald, President of Penrith Rugby League, served on that committee.
    ↩︎
  3. Although described as a “back street” at the time, the club was located on the corner of Park and Station Streets. Park Street branched off Station Street roughly opposite the southern end of the swimming pool (near the showground). The area now forms part of the Nepean Village precinct.
    ↩︎
  4. Other accounts place the initial poker machine fleet at ten machines, split evenly between sixpenny and one-shilling machines. See Bound for Glory (Greg Prichard and Gary Lester, p.30). ↩︎

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Commentary and Contributions

Major Player: Merv Cartwright

Merv Cartwright

Mervyn Earl Cartwright

Founding figure in Penrith rugby league; Secretary, Penrith District Rugby League Football Club (1967–1970)

Mervyn Earl Cartwright was one of the key figures in the early development of rugby league in Penrith. A local player, administrator, and advocate for the game, he played a central role in the campaign that led to the Penrith Panthers’ admission to the NSWRL competition in 1967.

He served as the club’s inaugural secretary and was widely recognised as a driving force behind rugby league’s establishment in the district.

Role in the Narrative

Merv Cartwright appears in the early phases of the Panthers, Passion and Politics narrative as a key figure in the club’s formation and early direction.

His contribution sits primarily within the “growth” stream of the story — the push to establish Penrith as a first-grade rugby league presence. At the same time, his period of influence overlaps with the emergence of tensions between football ambition and financial governance — a theme that would become increasingly significant as the club developed.

Background

Born: 1927
Died: 2011

Cartwright grew up in the Penrith district and was closely connected to local rugby league from an early age.

• Played junior and senior football in the district
• Became club secretary in the 1950s while still a player
• Continued as Secretary of the Penrith Rugby League Football Club from 1967 to 1970
• Returned to Club governance as a Board Member 1992 – 1998

He was one of the signatories to the formation of the Penrith Rugby League Club Ltd in 1967 .

Recognition by Panthers
• Life Membership, Penrith Panthers (1955)
Merv Cartwright Medal is awarded to the best player each season (named 2012)
• Named a Panthers Legend (2026)

Relevance to Events Described

Cartwright was a driving force in the campaign to bring Penrith into first-grade competition. He played a visible role in promoting the club, including maintaining a strong media presence during its early years .

During his time as secretary, the club operated in an environment where expectations between football operations and financial governance were not aligned. By the end of the 1960s, these pressures had intensified. Expenditure on football activities exceeded agreed limits, and tensions developed between football operations and the licensed club board over financial oversight and decision-making.

In 1971, Cartwright resigned from his role as Secretary of the Football Club. The circumstances surrounding his resignation were more complex than this summary suggests, particularly in relation to the Club’s financial position and governance arrangements at the time.

This conflict echoes through later sections of the Panthers, Passion and Politics narrative.

Related Material


Related Themes

Conflict · Growth


Editorial Note

This profile is presented as contextual background.
Additional material may be introduced as the narrative progresses.


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The Western Weekender

The Western Weekender is a free weekly newspaper serving the Penrith region of New South Wales. Established in 1991, as a “good news” publication, it has become a consistent local media presence, covering community news, sport, politics, and issues relevant to Western Sydney.

Distributed widely across the Penrith local government area, the Weekender positions itself as a community-focused publication, with an emphasis on local identity and accessibility. Over time, it has built a strong readership base and a recognised voice within the region.

Editorially, the Weekender has played an ongoing role in reporting on developments at Penrith Rugby League Club and within the broader Penrith community. Its coverage has ranged from routine reporting to more involved commentary during periods of controversy or significant change.

The publication has not been without interruption. It ceased operations briefly in 2008 before being revived in 2009 under new ownership, after which it re-established its presence in the local media landscape.

As with any local media outlet, the Weekender reflects both the priorities of its editorial leadership and the interests of its readership. This can influence not only what is reported, but how events are framed and understood within the community.

Throughout this series, references to the Western Weekender should be understood in that context — as a prominent local publication whose reporting formed part of the public narrative surrounding the events described.


Related Topics


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The Temby Inquiry

The Temby Inquiry was a formal investigation, commissioned by the New South Wales Department of Gaming and Racing in 2004, into the governance and operations of Penrith Rugby League Club.

Conducted by former senior prosecutor Ian Temby QC, the Inquiry examined a range of matters relating to the administration of the Club and the conduct of individuals associated with it. Its report, delivered in December 2004, marked the culmination of a period of conflict that forms a central thread of this series.

While the Inquiry sits outside the early timeline of this series, it becomes an increasingly important reference point as the narrative unfolds.


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The Footy Five

The term “Footy Five” was coined by Ron Mulock to describe a group of five directors who, during this period, generally adopted a shared position on a range of issues affecting the Panthers organisation.

Despite the name, the distinction between this group and the other directors was not based on differing levels of commitment to rugby league. Both groups were strongly invested in the future of football in Penrith.

The difference lay more in approach than in objective. One group tended toward a more fixed position on key issues, while the other favoured a more flexible approach in responding to changing circumstances.

The most significant point of divergence related not to football itself, but to broader questions of governance — particularly amalgamation and the future structure of the Panthers organisation.

As the Footy Five is referenced throughout the narrative, it is useful to identify the individuals within the group:

  • Geoff James: Private Enquiry Agent.
  • John Bateman OAM: Local solicitor. Mayor of Penrith (1998-2000)
  • Greg Evans: Owner of the Western Weekender, a local newspaper also prominent in the narrative.
  • Craig Terry: Financial controller at Liquorland.
  • Denis Coffey: Owner of successful engineering company. Ex-player.

Related Topics


Related Themes

Conflict · Governance


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A Note on Perspective

This project is not intended as a platform for grievance — though, at times, I may lapse and loosen my self-imposed restraints.

This is the place where those restraints are applied less rigorously.

Why?

Because this project is, in many respects, personal.

It centres on “The Roger Cowan Years” — and Roger is my father.

The story, therefore, is not only historical. It is also lived.

Panthers has long been embedded in the Cowan family. It is less an interest than a constant presence — something closer to home than anything else. Even now, my mother, at 91, still attends games, despite the relocation to Parramatta.

This section of Beyond the Book provides space to step slightly outside the structure of the manuscript.

Here, I may offer interpretation, perspective, or anecdote — sometimes to clarify, sometimes simply to add dimension.

There have, over time, been difficult moments connected to the events described in this material. Those are not the focus here. But nor will they be avoided if they are relevant to understanding what unfolded.

The purpose of this section is more straightforward.

To add depth where it may assist.
To provide context that sits outside the narrative.
And, at times, to share the perspective of someone who was not only observing events, but living within them.

Some of these reflections are easy to write. Others are not.

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Major Player: Ron Mulock

Ron Mulock
Source: Parliament NSW

Ronald J Mulock OA, KCSG

Deputy Premier of New South Wales; Founding Member and Patron, Penrith District Rugby League Football Club

Ron Mulock was a long-serving member of the Australian Labor Party who served as councillor, mayor, state parliamentary representative, senior minister, and Deputy Premier of New South Wales. He was a founding member and Patron of the Penrith District Rugby League Football Club.

Role in the Narrative

Ron Mulock has a significant presence in the Panthers, Passion and Politics narrative.

His association with Panthers dates to the earliest days of the club, and he emerges as an influential figure during the conflicts that unfolded in the later years of Roger Cowan’s tenure. He also contributed to the efforts supporting the award of the Order of Australia Medal to Roger Cowan.

Background

Born: 1930
Died: 2014

Profession: Lawyer – admitted as Solicitor of the Supreme Court in 1955.

Public Roles:
• Mayor of Penrith: 1968–71
• NSW State Parliamentarian: 1971–1988
• Deputy Premier of NSW: 1984–1988

Honours:
• Officer of the Order of Australia (1988)
• Knight Commander of the Order of St Gregory the Great (2013)

Recognition by Panthers
• Life Membership, Penrith Panthers (1989)
• Ron Mulock AO Room, Panthers Events Centre (2012)

Relevance to Events Described

Mulock is closely connected to one of the central strands of this story.

During the late 1990s, he opposed aspects of the expansion strategy undertaken by Panthers and was aligned with the group of five directors who became known as the “Footy Five”. The four minority directors were referred to as “Roger’s Four Kinsmen” — a phrase that drew on the name of a well-known musical group closely associated with Panthers.1

Mulock’s long-standing connections within the Australian Labor Party, and his prominence in public life, contributed to a broader perception at the time that he was influential in political attention being directed toward Panthers.

Related Material


Related Themes:

Conflict · Governance


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Editorial Note

This profile is presented as contextual background.
Additional material may be introduced as the narrative progresses.


  1. The Four Kinsmen were a popular Australian vocal group who performed regularly at Panthers over many years and developed a close association with the club. ↩︎

Ron Mulock – Public Tribute (Western Weekender, 2014)

The following article was published in The Western Weekender following the passing of Ron Mulock in 2014.

It provides a contemporary reflection on Mulock’s standing within the Penrith community.

Western Weekender article titled “Respected, passionate and loved: Penrith loses a true local icon” featuring Ron Mulock (2014)
The Western Weekender, 12 September 2014

Related Topics


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The Impact of a Turnover Tax

A turnover tax on gambling is a tax imposed on the total amount of money wagered or “turned over” in a gambling activity, rather than on the profits generated by the gambling operators.

For example, imagine you take $100 to the races, and you place a $100 on the first race, it wins and you now have $350. You continue to bet $50 on each of the 7 remaining races. So, if you add up the amount you bet it comes to $450 – your first bet of $100 plus 7 bets of $50.

A turnover tax on this activity means the tax is calculated on the total value of the the bets placed, $450. Yet, the amount spent by the punter was only $100.

This example shows the very best result for the betting provider would be for the punter to finish the day broke – and the provider would have a revenue of $100. But they would be paying tax on $450.

Of course, it would be possible for the provider to lose hundreds of dollars to this punter, yet still pay tax on the $450 turned over.

Industry opponents of turnover taxation argued that the structure materially reduced operators’ capacity to improve return-to-player rates.

The mathematics of a turnover tax make it extremely restrictive – and, in fact, for some gambling games (like blackjack) even a small turnover tax would mean the game would not be viable.

For example, poker machines in NSW have a minimum return to player rate of 87%.

At a theoretical level this means a couple of things:

  • Firstly, it means the theoretical revenue for the operator is 13% – that is the operator can expect to retain $13 in every $100 staked on their games.
  • Secondly, it means the theoretical turnover for the player is 3.42 times their orginal stake. So, starting $100 and playing until depleted will generate a theoretical turnover of $342.

In the case of a starting stake of $100, theoretically the operator will retain $13. If a 3% turnover tax is applied their obligation to the tax office will be 3% of $342, which is $10.25.

Now, imagine an operator wants to offer a better deal to their patrons with a 90% return to player. So $100 stake produces a theoretical $10 revenue for the operator. The turnover is $388 and a 3% turnover tax will produce a tax obligation of $11.74 – so the tax office will take all the operator’s revenue plus more.

Critics maintained that turnover taxation limited pricing flexibility and distorted game viability.


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Introduction — An Industry Insight

This article forms part of the serialised republication of Panthers, Passion & Politics – The Roger Cowan Years.

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Because of Cowan’s deep involvement in the licensed club industry, the history of Panthers cannot be separated from the broader history of the NSW club movement..

Phil Bennett1 was an officer with the Liquor Administration Board2 for many years. He remembers some of the interesting episodes. He had first encountered Cowan in the early 1980s. When Treasury was pushing to use turnover as the basis for taxing poker machine revenue, it was Bennett’s job to sell the concept to the clubs. Until then, only gross revenue had been taxed. Bennett said:

The idea was to tax the money being spent by the gamblers — a turnover tax3 — taking it off the top. Roger had a great moral difficulty with this, and he was very vocal.

I wrote a whole lot of papers and reports, and had to present them to the industry. By then I was in the policy section of the Chief Secretary’s department. We used the analogy of liquor . . . Clubs were paying a tax on the purchase of their liquor — which is like a turnover tax. And I also brought out other examples. So, we were trotting out all these arguments, and Roger would come back to me and say ‘that’s completely ridiculous, and a false analogy’. And proceed to explain in detail why it was, and shoot all my arguments down in flames. There was one day I distinctly remember. I had put together this paper and sent it to him, and then we met to discuss it. We were sitting opposite each other in his office, talking about the issues.

Roger presented a different analogy. ‘Look, this is different to a liquor tax. If you go and buy a beer, you pay tax on it at that point. But then you go into the toilet, and you piss it up against the wall, and it goes down the drain and it’s all over. With gaming machines, if you put on a turnover tax, you’re taxing me when I spend it now, and then I get my money back when I get a payout. But then, if I bet it again you’ll make me pay another lot of tax, and when I win again you’ll tax it again, and again, and again.’

He was right, but we were saying that’s the way all gambling is taxed. At the races, the punter is taxed out of the turnover tax. But it was very funny. He sat there, looked across at me and said, ‘well, the person who wrote this paper obviously has no understanding of the club industry.’ He knew very well that I wrote it.

Cowan does not remember being so tactless:

When Phil asked me to discuss turnover tax I was appalled, and my body language was probably negative. I was convinced that one day we would have higher denomination machines and a turnover tax would restrict the return that we could offer the customers. The turnover tax they were proposing was only 3% and that sounded small enough to get acceptance from the industry. But I was concerned it would stifle the growth and eventually it would be unfair to players. I believed that higher denominations would eventually be part of the gaming market — and that should mean offering higher returns to the player. I knew for example that there were machines in the casinos in Las Vegas paying the player 99% — not many to be sure, but it would be impossible to do that under a turnover tax.

A turnover tax would force clubs to have machines set to the lowest possible return to players, and yet, it would be highway robbery to introduce high denomination machines at less than say, 94% return to players.

So, what I was trying to convey to Phil was that they were not looking at the future potential of the industry.

I was so concerned that I called a special meeting of several of the larger clubs and made a presentation to them of the dangers of a turnover tax. It was a long battle and finally the government saw the point and withdrew the proposal. Even though I was probably seen as the leader of the push to have it withdrawn, I never felt any sense of resentment from the government or the department officers . . .

If it had been a Carr/Egan government, I might have been facing a Royal Commission inquiry much sooner.

Bennett says:

You always knew that Roger would speak out if he believed that something was wrong. And he did his research, so he always knew what he was talking about.

Researching this book, I heard many words used to describe Roger Cowan, both positive and negative.

In recent years some have sought to attach another label to Cowan — dishonest.

Barrister Terrence Lynch4 says that from the start, he never believed that the inquiry would find any type of dishonesty in Cowan’s behavior.

I really was very relaxed about the inquiry. If a man is a crook, you don’t get staff five and six years in retirement still volunteering their time to assist him.

Dishonesty was just not consistent with any part of my exposure to what that place was like. My impression of Panthers is of a very internally open organisation. There never seemed to be the sense that if you disagree with Roger, there was going to be any discomfort or risk in doing that. You can’t operate dishonestly in such an open environment. And then, that flowed down through the organisation. I got the impression that he expected those people to be equally open with their own teams.

The events of 2004 have left permanent scars on Roger Cowan. There is no doubt that he sees Panthers as his life’s work, something that he could take pride in on his retirement. In his mind, the Inquiry, and the attendant headlines and publicity, altered that. That Inquiry, and the circumstances surrounding the events leading up to it, is a story that certainly needs telling.

The real story here is the growth of Panthers from a near-bankrupt suburban club into a significant force within the NSW club movement — and how that success eventually drew it into complex and contested political terrain.


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  1. Phil Bennett worked in gaming-related departments within the NSW public service, including Treasury, the Liquor Administration Board, Casino Control and as Senior Policy Adviser in the Chief Secretary’s Department. In 1989 he established Phil Bennett Consulting, advising organisations in the gaming and liquor industries.
    ↩︎
  2. The Liquor Administration Board (LAB) has since undergone structural and naming changes. Its current successor body is the Independent Liquor & Gaming Authority (ILGA) of NSW.
    ↩︎
  3. A turnover tax is calculated on the total amount wagered rather than net loss. For example, if $10 is gambled and returns $100, and $40 of those winnings is wagered again, the tax applies to the total $50 wagered. For a fuller explanation, see The Impact of A Turnover Tax in Beyond the Book.
    ↩︎
  4. Terrence Lynch was a member of the legal team engaged to represent Panthers during the Inquiry. Senior Counsel for the Panthers legal team was Bernie Coles KC.
    ↩︎

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Commentary and Contributions