The Footy Five

The term “Footy Five” was coined by Ron Mulock to describe a group of five directors who, during this period, generally adopted a shared position on a range of issues affecting the Panthers organisation.

Despite the name, the distinction between this group and the remaining directors was not based on differing levels of commitment to rugby league. Directors on both sides of the Board were deeply committed to the future of football in Penrith. Indeed, several of the directors outside the Footy Five had devoted decades to building both the football club and the broader Panthers organisation.

The differences between the two groups became most apparent during the Super League era, the merger debate and the wider governance issues confronting Panthers during the late 1990s. These included questions surrounding the club’s strategic direction, its response to the changing rugby league landscape and the future structure of the Panthers organisation.

The four remaining directors—Leo Armstrong, Barry Walsh, Terry Heidtmann and Keith Rhind—were never collectively identified by a comparable title. Ron Mulock occasionally referred to them as “Roger’s Four Kinsmen”, a phrase drawn from the well-known Australian musical group The Four Kinsmen. The expression implied that these directors simply supported Roger Cowan’s position, but it never achieved the widespread usage of the term Footy Five.

Both expressions formed part of the language surrounding one of the most divisive periods in Panthers’ history. While Footy Five became the enduring shorthand used by directors, members, the media and later historical accounts, neither label should be interpreted as a literal description of the directors’ respective commitment to rugby league or of the complexity of the issues under debate.

As the Footy Five is referenced throughout the narrative, it is useful to identify the individuals within the group:

  • Geoff James: Private Enquiry Agent.
  • John Bateman OAM: Solicitor. Mayor of Penrith (1998-2000)
  • Greg Evans: Owner of the Western Weekender, a local newspaper also prominent in the narrative.
  • Craig Terry: Financial controller at Liquorland.
  • Denis Coffey: Owner of successful engineering company. Former Panthers player.

Although the Footy Five were frequently identified as a group, each member brought different professional experience and motivations to the Board. Their backgrounds included law, engineering, finance, investigation and newspaper publishing. While they often acted together on major issues, the narrative suggests that their reasons for doing so were not necessarily identical.

Each member of the Footy Five played a distinct role in the events described in Panthers, Passion & Politics. Individual profiles provide further background on their professional careers, their involvement with Panthers and their contribution to the governance conflicts that followed.

Each member of the Footy Five played a distinct role in the events described in Panthers, Passion & Politics. Individual profiles provide further background on their professional careers, their involvement with Panthers and their contribution to the governance conflicts that followed.


Related Topics


Related Themes

Conflict · Governance · Board Decisions


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A Note on Perspective

This project is not intended as a platform for grievance — though, at times, I may lapse and loosen my self-imposed restraints.

This is the place where those restraints are applied less rigorously.

Why?

Because this project is, in many respects, personal.

It centres on “The Roger Cowan Years” — and Roger is my father.

The story, therefore, is not only historical. It is also lived.

Panthers has long been embedded in the Cowan family. It is less an interest than a constant presence — something closer to home than anything else. Even now, my mother, at 91, still attends games, despite the relocation to Parramatta.

This section of Beyond the Book provides space to step slightly outside the structure of the manuscript.

Here, I may offer interpretation, perspective, or anecdote — sometimes to clarify, sometimes simply to add dimension.

There have, over time, been difficult moments connected to the events described in this material. Those are not the focus here. But nor will they be avoided if they are relevant to understanding what unfolded.

The purpose of this section is more straightforward.

To add depth where it may assist.
To provide context that sits outside the narrative.
And, at times, to share the perspective of someone who was not only observing events, but living within them.

Some of these reflections are easy to write. Others are not.


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Major Player: Ron Mulock

Ron Mulock
Source: Parliament NSW

Ronald J Mulock OA, KCSG

Deputy Premier of New South Wales; Founding Member and Patron, Penrith District Rugby League Football Club

Ron Mulock was a long-serving member of the Australian Labor Party who served as councillor, mayor, state parliamentary representative, senior minister, and Deputy Premier of New South Wales. He was a founding member and Patron of the Penrith District Rugby League Football Club.

Role in the Narrative

Ron Mulock has a significant presence in the Panthers, Passion and Politics narrative.

His association with Panthers dates to the earliest days of the club, and he emerges as an influential figure during the conflicts that unfolded in the later years of Roger Cowan’s tenure. He also contributed to the efforts supporting the award of the Order of Australia Medal to Roger Cowan.

Background

Born: 1930
Died: 2014

Profession: Lawyer – admitted as Solicitor of the Supreme Court in 1955.

Public Roles:
• Mayor of Penrith: 1968–71
• NSW State Parliamentarian: 1971–1988
• Deputy Premier of NSW: 1984–1988

Honours:
• Officer of the Order of Australia (1988)
• Knight Commander of the Order of St Gregory the Great (2013)

Recognition by Panthers
• Life Membership, Penrith Panthers (1989)
• Ron Mulock AO Room, Panthers Events Centre (2012)

Relevance to Events Described

Mulock is closely connected to one of the central strands of this story.

During the late 1990s, he opposed aspects of the expansion strategy undertaken by Panthers and was aligned with the group of five directors who became known as the “Footy Five”. The four minority directors were referred to as “Roger’s Four Kinsmen” — a phrase that drew on the name of a well-known musical group closely associated with Panthers.1

Mulock’s long-standing connections within the Australian Labor Party, and his prominence in public life, contributed to a broader perception at the time that he was influential in political attention being directed toward Panthers.

Related Material


Related Themes:

Football Club · Governance


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Editorial Note

This profile is presented as contextual background.
Additional material may be introduced as the narrative progresses.


  1. The Four Kinsmen were a popular Australian vocal group who performed regularly at Panthers over many years and developed a close association with the club. ↩︎

Ron Mulock – Public Tribute (Western Weekender, 2014)

The following article was published in The Western Weekender following the passing of Ron Mulock in 2014.

It provides a contemporary reflection on Mulock’s standing within the Penrith community.

Western Weekender article titled “Respected, passionate and loved: Penrith loses a true local icon” featuring Ron Mulock (2014)
The Western Weekender, 12 September 2014

Related Topics


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The Impact of a Turnover Tax

A turnover tax on gambling is a tax imposed on the total amount of money wagered or “turned over” in a gambling activity, rather than on the profits generated by the gambling operators.

For example, imagine you take $100 to the races, and you place a $100 on the first race, it wins and you now have $350. You continue to bet $50 on each of the 7 remaining races. So, if you add up the amount you bet it comes to $450 – your first bet of $100 plus 7 bets of $50.

A turnover tax on this activity means the tax is calculated on the total value of the the bets placed, $450. Yet, the amount spent by the punter was only $100.

This example shows the very best result for the betting provider would be for the punter to finish the day broke – and the provider would have a revenue of $100. But they would be paying tax on $450.

Of course, it would be possible for the provider to lose hundreds of dollars to this punter, yet still pay tax on the $450 turned over.

Industry opponents of turnover taxation argued that the structure materially reduced operators’ capacity to improve return-to-player rates.

The mathematics of a turnover tax make it extremely restrictive – and, in fact, for some gambling games (like blackjack) even a small turnover tax would mean the game would not be viable.

For example, poker machines in NSW have a minimum return to player rate of 87%.

At a theoretical level this means a couple of things:

  • Firstly, it means the theoretical revenue for the operator is 13% – that is the operator can expect to retain $13 in every $100 staked on their games.
  • Secondly, it means the theoretical turnover for the player is 3.42 times their orginal stake. So, starting $100 and playing until depleted will generate a theoretical turnover of $342.

In the case of a starting stake of $100, theoretically the operator will retain $13. If a 3% turnover tax is applied their obligation to the tax office will be 3% of $342, which is $10.25.

Now, imagine an operator wants to offer a better deal to their patrons with a 90% return to player. So $100 stake produces a theoretical $10 revenue for the operator. The turnover is $388 and a 3% turnover tax will produce a tax obligation of $11.74 – so the tax office will take all the operator’s revenue plus more.

Critics maintained that turnover taxation limited pricing flexibility and distorted game viability.


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